Gulf War Was A Perfect Television War Media Essay

Gulf War Was A Perfect Television War Media Essay The media representation of wars has significantly changed over last years. Previously being just an instrument of coverage and propaganda, now media are considered a competent weapon. The war of real objects is partially being replaced by the war of pictures and sounds, information war (Virilio, 2002). On the one hand, information technologies can be regarded as humane weapon, because they lead to the fewer amounts of victims. On the other hand, they directly influence the mental structures, can fulfill the conscious with false images or distort the perceptions, spread moral panics or create virtual enemies and thus are an intelligent weapon of mass distruction. One of the famous works about the usage of information technologies in the war belongs to French sociologist Jean Baudrillard, and his concept of the Gulf War 1991 as the first television war will be assessed in the essay in correlation with his theories of hyper reality and simulacrum. Those concepts are applied to the media representation of the conflict in South Ossetia. The usefulness of the concept of television war for understanding modern conflicts is proved in conclusion. Hyper reality, simulacrum and information wars Philosophical approach of Baudrillards works is concentrated around two main notions -hyper reality and simulacrum. Both terms are related to the reality of the consumer society. According to Baurillard, we all live in the world, dominated by organized perceptions, while people loose an ability to perceive the real surrounding. Instead they face artificial or adapted environments: assembled chronicles of military operations, coverage of suicidal terrorist acts. Baudrillard (1996) claims that the reality is not only possible to represent, the reality should always be ready for representation and thus it becomes a hyper reality, existing only in simulation. It consists of media and cultural images that simulate the real world. Some of this images are representations of real objects, but aggressive information technologies, television and particularly advertisement create special images, deceiving representations of non-existing objects, which Baudrillard (1998), following Plato, calls simulacra. In postmodern culture, dominated by TV and Internet, the notions of true and false representations are destroyed, as people have access only to simulations of reality, which is no more real than the simulacra representing it. Moreover, we start to believe the maps of reality as more real than own experience and take the hyper reality as the actual environment (Mann, n.d.). Consequently, simulacra, which lost any connection to real things, dont have original or prototype, and can parallel some objects, change the notion of counterfeits or false. So a correlation appears that hyper reality becomes the battlefield and the simulacra the intellectual weapons in conflicts of all levels, from the business competition to wars between countries, which gradually turn into information wars. The most widespread technique of symbolic images usage in information war is propaganda, but now in the form of marketing or PR campaigns. Such campaigns provide the basis for military operations and are a perfect tool to make conform to one side or type of thinking. Thus they are the most integrated and hidden, but also the most pervasive parts of the new wars. The censorship is widespread, because the military-media campaigns require a gap between the event and the audience, and censorship breaks the flow of information, while propaganda specialists feed media with false information (Snow, 2003). In these terms coverage of military operations is now able to influence their process as it was, for example, in the movie Wag the dog, where imaginary war actions of American troops in Albania, staged to shift public interest from the reputation crisis of the president, led to real military response. So, the role of media in the modern wars is not limited to news coverage or propaganda, the media now should be regarded more likely as the fourth front of war. The reasons for it could be different. According to sociologist Paul Virilio (2002), the escalation of cybernetic wars of persuasion and propaganda is the result of graduate changes in weapons. The first, prehistorical, wars were tactical and used weapons of obstruction (ramparts, fortresses). The epoch of political wars made them strategic and reliable on weapons of destruction (bows, missiles). The new period of transpolitical wars is characterized as logistical and uses weapons of communication (telephone, radar, satellites, information carriers), which emerged due to global information networks and tele-surveillance. The turning point of modern epoch is the integration of media and industrial army, where the capability to war without war manifests a parallel information market of propaganda, illusion, dissimulation (Viril io, 2002: 17). The image prevails over the real space and substitutes it, changes the landscape from physical to audiovisual by technological accelerants satellites, internet and high-quality video on TV. The level of media influence is dependent on the communication forms, in which it is carried, because it is possible to frame the report, provided with knowledge of certain mediums advantages (Cottle, 2003). Television with live broadcast and reliance on spectacular images, simulacra, is in these terms the best communication weapon. It makes inefficient the object, but concentrates on its representation; it is not a reality, but a construction of it (Webster, 2002). TV news is often watched with the belief that it indicates, the reality, but in fact it is a version of events, shaped by journalists values and morality. The whole reality begins and ends on television screens, and any critical attitude emerges not an original version of event, but creates other symbolic representation in live images (Webster, 2002). According to Virilio (2002), the live image attracts not critiques, but emotion, apprehension. Thus it involves the spectator to the situation, makes him dependent on televi sual interface, even if the problem doesnt concern him directly. All these advantages were used strategically for the first time in the Gulf War, which Baudrillard (1995) called both a non-existing and a first television war. Gulf War 1991: the first television war Three essays of Baudrillard, referred to events in Iraq during January and February 1991, were published originally in the Liberation and the Guardian and lately collected in one book The Gulf War did not take place. Before the actual war, during the strengthening of American military and propaganda, he claimed that the Gulf War will not take place in reality. During the military actions his catchy slogan was that the Gulf War is not taking place and right after the operation he said that the Gulf War hadnt taken place, because the Western public perceived it just as a series of hyperreal TV images. For Baudrillard, media and especially television do not provide the opportunities for effective communication. Television is the technology of non-communication because it limits the interaction needed for symbolic exchange by giving the large amounts of signs impossible to critically analyze and react (Groening, 2007). A war demands a struggle between counterparts, exchange, communicatio n and interaction (Webster, 2002), while Baudrillard (1995) argued that the USA overloaded the symbolic communication space in this war and moreover, the goals of George Bush and Saddam Hussein were so different that they couldnt even be considered as counterparts. Hussein, a former US ally, was not regarded as the real enemy, and the outcome of the war was predictable both for participants and for audience of war (Mann, n.d.). Researchers express the controversial idea that bombing was the most precise in history and civilian casualties thus were minimized (Kellner, 2008). Consequently, the war can be regarded as hyperreal and overloaded by media provocations. The Gulf War was understood by Paul Virilio (2002) also as a turning point in history. He called it the first information war of images, media-staged event or the first electronic war in the form of televised series, broadcast live by satellite. The difference is that Virilio accepted the idea that the war really had taken place, but it moved to the fourth front of communication weapons and instant information. He warned about the doubling of the front, a communication between place of action the Middle East and place of its immediate reception the whole world, which extends widely over the Iraqi-Saudi border. Turning the battlefield into a theatre with the symbolic counterparts- Hussein and CNN emerges the risk of turning TV audience into fans on the stadium, counting casualties like goals of the favorite team. In comparison with Baudrillard, Virilio considers TV as establishing interactivity between those making war and those watching it. But he has the same idea about the role of common people in war impotent tele-spectators, victims of intelligent weapons and the people who serve them (Virilio, 2002: 47). It is obvious that Baudrillard didnt intend to act like a devils advocate and decline the existence of the Gulf War. He agrees that a massive bombing of military and civil objects took place in Iraq in 1991. And lately he (2002) told readers that official casualties in Iraq were estimated in order of 100Â  000, not counting the losses due to consequent hunger and diseases. But the question is why so few US soldiers died in this war, that it was named a war of zero casualties on the side of allies (Virilio, 2002: 97). After analyzing Baudrillards work, it becomes clear, that despite a catchy slogan in title, in fact the author compares real events with their interpretation, and the central conclusion is that the consequence of real events could hardly be named a war, while a consequence of those events representations was perceived as a real war. This effect was a main reason why he called a Gulf War the first and the perfect television war. US-led coalition relied highly on the television. On the first night of military operation, in Kourou, Ariane rocket launched two broadcasting satellites (Virilio, 2002), and it was a sign of parallel intervention of real forces and television. The leaders decisions were significantly based on intelligence reports, coming not from eye-witnesses, but from news and images. Bush recruited CNN and its owner Ted Turner to transit messages to Iraqi people and thus held diplomacy through interposed images (Virilio, 2002). Coalition forces were ordered not to get engaged in the direct battles with Iraqi army, but to use the means of virtual war in response to Iraqi attempts to turn the conflict into traditional. After interviewing soldiers, who were on the battlefield, Baudrillard (1995) claimed that the Western TV channels, especially CNN, offered audience highly edited reports from Iraq under the shape of live feeds. ABC News through life coverage of the Gulf War convinced the nation that Star Wars works (Bass, 2002). But Hussein used media even more cynically, creating a consequence of the images of hostages and the crying children. Attractive simulacra with no meaning behind were promoted by media of both sides: the CNN journalists with the gas masks in the Jerusalem, drugged and beaten prisoners on Iraqi TV, sea-bird covered in oil and pointing eyes into the Gulf sky (Baudrillard, 1995) and the quintessential symbol the Stealth F117, undetectable bomber, that nobody have seen, but everyone knew. The first object, destructed by F117, was also symbolic the building of Hussein forces communication centre (Virilio, 2002). The effect could be correlated with the essence of the conflicts media coverage: it is possible to see it only in time it happens, there is no time to prepare for it and no sense to watch it afterwards. As the victims of F117 see it just in the moment of action, viewers see the live broadcasts at the same time with the military journalists. The last reasons for perceiving the Gulf War as a television war are its results. Baudrillard and Virilio agreed that nobody fully lost or won in the conflict. Defeated in fact, Hussein remained in power and moreover won the information war. In spite of abilities given by Pentagon, CNN lost that television war, because American government issued a document, restricting the real time of operations from the TV present time (Virilio, 2002). Trying to prevent the American audience from communication weapons of Iraq, US officially imposed censorship and turned the public to the search for new information sources. To conclude, Iraq in 1991 was a place not of real war, but of massive violence and a remote enough zone for creating simulacra and holding a perfect television war. The TV Gulf War could have seemed a perfect simulacrum, a hyperreal situation. It is possible to partially agree with Baudrillards and Virilios argumentation, as it may be really the first example in the war history, when the TV technologies were used as a competent weapon and the whole war was spectacled on TV. But from the humane point of view, the statement the Gulf War did not take place undermines the seriousness of the Iraqi civilians massacre, the consequences for the political situation in Iraq and such consequence as the spread of international terrorism, which now is often perceived as the same symbolic non-event (Baudrillard, 2002): it catches the eye on TV screen when happening somewhere, but is not fully understood as possible to happen with the viewer. Nevertheless, Baudrillards theory is useful for understa nding representations of other modern wars, for example, the recent conflict between Georgia, South Ossetia and Russia. South Ossetia 2008 media war Conflict in South Ossetia will remain in the history of the post-Soviet area as a first war, which media helped to spread from the inter-country to cross-continental level. Known as Georgian-Ossetian war, the conflict in August 2008 turned into confrontation between Georgia and USA on one side and Russia, South Ossetia and Abkhazia on the other. On the 8 August Georgia started a bombing of its separatist region South Ossetia. The next day Russia deployed troops in Ossetia and started military operation against Georgia. The USA government expressed eagerness to intervene, but on the 16 August the ceasefire was signed. The actual political result is recognizing the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia from Georgia by several countries, leading by Russia, and high tensions in the region. The number of casualties is still discussed and differs from 160 to 2000 on Ossetian side and from 60 to 400 on Georgian. Baudrillards concept of hyperreal television war is the perfect way of understanding this simulacra-rich conflict. The date of its beginning was a sign itself it was the day of opening the Olympic Games in Beijing, when by ancient traditions all the conflicts should be postponed. The violation of symbolic tradition instantly attracted the attention of worlds media. Artillery system Grad, used by Georgian forces as well as totally destructed building of hospital in Ossetian capital Tskhinvali, became symbols of civilian massacre. The anecdotic situation, when American audience mixed the Georgia as the Caucasus country and the US state, and started panics, was spread by media. Russian media discussed the interview with the 12-year-old ossetian girl on the Fox News, where she accuses Georgia, while being roughly interrupted by the journalist (Kukolevsky, 2008). And even unaware people remember Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili, nervously chewing his necktie during the live TV inte rview. All those images were born by the war, which Georgian minister Temur Yakobashvili called a war for international public opinion (Collin, 2008). The media became a crucial battlefield in the conflict between Tbilisi and Moscow. The Georgian side claimed that it tried to reconquer its territory while Russian troops illegally invaded into it. Russians responded that Georgian government organized genocide, while Russian mission was to enforce peace. Both sides accused each other of spending millions of dollars on propaganda. Both sides even employed European PR agencies to promote their viewpoint. Georgia, backed by Western allies, from the beginning dominated in the information war. Started with cyberattacks and blocking of Russian TV, it used the help of USA and Great Britain, who didnt engage into real conflict, but actively engaged in the information one. All the leading global media CNN, Fox News, BBC, Sky News, Reuters, Associated Press were pro-Georgian. For example, Sky News showed a video report about the bombings of Tskhinvali by Georgian troops with a title Russia bombs the Georgian region South Ossetia (InoSmi, 2008; CNN, 2008). Georgia used a main advantage of Baudrillards television war that the world revealed the war from TV news. European audience, unaware of remote Caucasus regions, didnt know that some American and European correspondents presented the videos from Ossetian Tskinvali as the videos from Georgia (Vesti, 2009). Even Russian Foreign minister Sergej Lavrov agreed, that Russia lost that information war, but presented it as evidence, that Russia i s not an aggressor, otherwise it would have prepared a successful strategy (RIA Novosti, 2008). Nevertheless, I consider the results of Russian-Georgian information war as controversial as the results of real week-long conflict. The aim of attracting Western support wasnt achieved by any side. For example, German press claimed the conflict broadened the tensions between Russia and the West (Mannteufel, 2008), while some of British media found evidence of Georgia being an aggressor, guilty in war crimes (Milne, 2008). Some analysts consider Georgian media campaign as more effective because, for example, English-speaking ministers were always available for interview (Collin, 2008), but the media coverage was often favorable to Russia. The Russian strategy in this war could have been more effective, if used the overviewed simulacra images actively, because they all were really catchy and could influence the target audiences. Also Russia could have provided the world media with evidence of Georgian genocide by opening an access to a war zone for journalists. Moreover, it could be useful to prepare a strategic crisis communication plans for the possible conflicts of this kind. But anyway, the negative image of Russia, popular among Western media, could undermine by now any communication efforts. To change the situation, Russia should become a part of global media system, which is impossible because of American domination. The main idea of case study is that in August 2008 South Ossetia became a centre not of a real war, which ended in one week, but of an information war, which lasts till now. On this battlefield a little Georgia, backed by Western transnational media, can beat the huge Russia and create herself an image of a victim of Russian military machine (Zinenko, 2008). Thus it proves the thesis of Baudrillard and Virilio, that the wars of new generation are being won or lost in the space of media and information technologies. Conclusion The theoretical concepts of information and especially television wars by Baudrillard and Virilio, engaged in the essay with the real wars in Iraq 1991 and South Ossetia 2008, emerge the question of what Kellner (2005) calls a centrality of media politics in advanced foreign policy. Of course, the idea of hyperreal television war is an ideal model, and by now there was no conflict that has been totally televisual. Critiques of Baudrillard draw an attention to his hyper-postmodern approach (Hegarty, 2004) or lack of meaningful political engagement (Economic expert, n.d.). Nevertheless, the fact remains in both analyzed war cases and in numerous other conflicts of the last decades the media opened the fourth front, created a hyperreal space of mutual information attacks and marketing-style campaigns, used the simulacra-like images to influence the audience and to attract it to one side. Moreover, media become a means of searching allies or oppositely turn back to life the old confrontations, like in case of South Ossetia they emerged a new spiral of Cold War between Russia and the USA (RIA Novosti, 2008). Consequently, the governments of new generation should consider media campaigns as a part of any successful military operations, and the people, who dont want to be manipulated be spectacular images, should try to be less ignorant and more human-oriented.

Editorial Analysis Essay

â€Å"We are all equal; it is not birth but virtue alone that makes the difference.† This insightful quote from the famous French philosopher and historian â€Å"Voltaire† seems to accurately represent the beliefs of the factions of American citizens pushing to allow women to fight in combat positions within the US Armed Forces. Though the topic has just recently been boosted into the media and congressional politics, it has been long debated. A rather current editorial from USA Today titled: â€Å"Open Combat Positions to Women† outlines the recent developments in the status of a much disputed and controversial issue facing the nation today. Though somewhat less in-depth than some opposing opinions, the USA Today article establishes credible and provoking arguments with specific evidence that incites some hesitation on behalf of the naysayers contradictory reports and dissents; all the while, creating a valid representation of the views offered by the supporters . In the article mentioned above, there are many components to the argument and evidence presented. As far as tone and stylistic approach, the author remains very serious, stern, and unyielding throughout and presents the opposing viewpoint as â€Å"clouded in fiction† and â€Å"removed from reality†. Though the opposition isn’t represented as ignorant, the author is very firm in their opinions and believes that anyone who disagrees is simply in denial or has some personal stake that would negatively affect them if women were to enter into combat in the armed forces. In the beginning of the USA Today editorial, two specific examples of women who have placed their lives on the line or been injured by participating in extremely dangerous missions are given. The author appeals to the reader’s emotions with these examples and gives accurate evidence of women who already risk their lives but don’t receive recognition for it. Statistics are also presented that evaluate the many women who have lost their lives and been injured while serving in the armed forces and participating in missions whose â€Å"main purpose wasn’t direct combat on the ground.† The author goes on to explain that while women are fighting and risking their lives on the battlefield, the government refuses to acknowledge their sacrifices and give them equal rights to serve their country. Also in the beginning of the editorial, the author refers back to the two women who fought on the front lines. Those women as well as two other servicewomen filed suit in attempt to overturn the law established in 1994 which states as follows: †Rule: Service members are eligible to be assigned to all positions for which they are qualified, except that women shall be excluded from assignment to units below the brigade level whose primary mission is to engage in direct combat on the ground, as defined below. Definition: Direct ground combat is engaging an enemy on the ground with individual or crew served weapons, while being exposed to hostile fire and to a high probability of direct physical contact with the hostile forces personnel. Direct combat take s place well forward on the battlefield while locating an closing with the enemy to defeat then by fire, maneuver or shock effect.† The author goes on to state that, despite what happens in court with the lawsuit filed by the four servicewomen, the issue should never have to go to court in order to be acted upon. The author seems to think that it is simply a matter of logical thinking. Some other supporting evidence in the editorial is the Author’s use of a Gallup Pole to prove that Americans no longer oppose the idea of women on the front lines. Also specific quotes are used from a well-know male armor officer who attests to women already risking their lives in the line of fire but not being recognized for it because the government has contorted the laws and definitions. At the end of the editorial, the author goes into some details about the physical requirements for those serving in combat positions, how the solution is simple, and how the armed forces should strive for equality and concludes that congress is taking small steps in the right direction. From an analytical point of view, the editorial from USA Today immediately established credibility with the first evidence and supporting examples. There is an abundance of evidence for the short two-page window that the author has to offer it. The author doesn’t use any jargon or political terms meant to confuse or mislead the reader. Also, the author does a very satisfactory job of explaining the facts surrounding the argument without being biased or one-sided. Though there is room for much improvement, overall the editorial is a firm and testable argument and serves its purpose well. As in most any written argument, the author wants to present their opinions in the most positive and factual light. Usually only supporting evidence is given for the reader to comprehend and digest. This includes: specific accounts with concurring viewpoints and validating examples. While the author will oftentimes address or evaluate the opposition, it would be counteractive to the whole foundation and motive of the argument to agree with, or present facts in favor of, the opposite side. The article previously discussed and critiqued mostly follows this schema. Though there are some hidden premises, the author does briefly address some of the opposing viewpoints. The editorial only very briefly mentions the opposing argument that: â€Å"a change in policy may cost lives† but offers no retort to the claim. Also, the fact that â€Å"†¦some infantrymen would be unable to take orders from a female combat leader†¦Ã¢â‚¬  is brought up and the author offers a seemingly simple solution to this complex counterargument. The final recognition of opposing opinion by the author is in the statement claiming: †Many of the objections trotted out by opponents simply don’t hold up to scrutiny.† Again, the author fails to prove this statement with in-depth evidence and goes on to only address one specific â€Å"objection trotted out by opponents.† The issue featured in the USA Today editorial â€Å"Open Combat Jobs to Women† is difficult to resolve for many possible reasons. First, there are no previous precedents in the situation of women in the armed forces that can help legislation to predict the possible gain or loss they will receive. There doesn’t seem to be a way to calculate what the reaction will be to letting women serve in combat until legislation allows it. In reference to the lawsuit by the four servicewomen, the Supreme Court must also set a new precedent. As with any issue involving women’s rights or equal rights in general, the Constitution is always brought into discussion. Problems encountered in our society that call for an interpretation of the Constitution are often met with an incredible amount of hesitation, deliberation and conflict among citizens, social groups, minorities and legislators. USA Today’s Editorial creates a valid representation of the supporting viewpoints for women in combat positions while also establishing credibility with provoking arguments that incite hesitation for opposition. To review somewhat, although the author does an adequate job in arguing their point, there is some room for improvement both structurally and logistically. However, from a reader’s point of view, the editorial has a reasonably strong argument that at least provokes the reader to question their current beliefs and views on the topic discussed.

Sexual Fantasy Within The Odyssey - 1603 Words

Cassidy Bulger Professor Isser Montserrat September 22, 2015 Sexual Fantasy Within The Odyssey In the Odyssey, by Homer, Homer suggests that women can be seductive traps that prevent or delay men from reaching their goals. The women that Odysseus encounters on his journey home in The Odyssey all represent a different sexual fantasy figure in the eyes of a male, and serve as a distraction that he must work around. Although the three women that Odysseus encounters on his travels are desirable to him, the only thing that he wants is to get home to his devoted wife. The soft, alluring, pastoral sensuality of Calypso, the purity, youth and innocence of the young Nausicaa, and the adventurously sexy Circe are no contest to the loyal and faithful Penelope. Penelope holds aspects of each of these three women, making her the most sought after by Odysseus. The goddess Calypso resides in a cave on an island. The lush and blossomed forest that surrounds her cave symbolizes the idea of and new life, whereas the cave itself represents a womb. â€Å"Around her cave the woodland was in bloom,...Four separate springs flowed with clear water, crisscrossing channels as they meandered through meadows lush with parsley and blossoming violets† (Odyssey, 5. 67-76). These symbols of fertility are important to males, especially during the time period that the Odyssey portrays when a woman’s primary duty was to birth children and raise them. Odysseus was forced to stay on the island with Calypso forShow MoreRelatedJames Joyce s The Odyssey And Ulysses1622 Words   |  7 PagesUlysses is arguably one of James Joyce’s most famous literary works. At least, the obscene sexual nature of Ulysses is notorious in itself. Indeed, it is widely considered that the novel was a scandal when it first appeared serialized in 1918. 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Essay on Why the United States Should Withdraw from Iraq

America is under attack, not from an enemy in a faraway land, but here at home, by our own government. In the current year 2010, almost 7 years after shock and awe campaign that officially started the war in Iraq, the U.S. government fails to recognize that our efforts in the Middle East have plateaued, and it is time to bring our troops home. The surge campaigns in recent years were felt by many, to be an unofficial recognition that the war is not going well, and several top generals have had high hopes for this military strategy, but compelling evidence concludes this was a short-lived success. No one can deny the financial toll the Iraq war has had on America, for America is in the middle of one of the worst economic crisis in recent†¦show more content†¦In a speech given by President Bush, he called the surge â€Å"A new way forward†, which indirectly confirmed to many that the White House was aware of the military shortcomings in Iraq. Although the Bush administr ation most likely had the best of intentions, there are a few key reasons the Iraqi surge did not have sustained positive results. The surge strategy was to increase the number of troops in Iraq by 20,000; these troops would be used in urban civilian areas where military forces have had a difficult time clearing out neighborhoods. The surge was initially a success, however, after several months it became clear the success was short-lived, and the overall strategy was short sighted. Members of Al Qaeda simply left the region while it was heavily occupied, only to return when the U.S. threat had vacated the area. There was a survey conducted by Iraq, and the overwhelming majority of Iraqi citizens felt that daily living conditions had not changed they were in favor of American troops leaving their country. 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